Why abortion poses challenges for Poland's latest government

When Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk formed a coalition government in 2023 committed to creating “historic changes””, he promised to enhance the country’s record on women’s rights. Noticeably absent in the coalition agreementHowever, there was no concrete wording on access to abortion, some of the controversial issues under the previous administration.

The coalition parties are united of their opposition to the conservative Law and Justice Party (PiS), which led the federal government for eight years. PiS weakened Poland's democracy by undermining the independence of the judiciary and Restrictions on the mediaand it stretched its Relationship with the European UnionThe PiS also introduced among the strictest abortion laws in Europewith the assistance of hand-picked jurors from Poland's Constitutional Court.

Poland’s three predominant coalition partners – the Civic Coalition, the Third Way and the Left – all need to weaken Poland's almost existing abortion banHowever, there’s disagreement about how this must be done and the way far-reaching the changes should go, making it difficult for the federal government to fulfil its election guarantees.

As a scholar of Civil society in Central EuropeI actually have been following the abortion debates in Poland for years. Poles’ views on abortion are shaped by religious, historical, political and cultural aspects that make changing the law difficult, although most Poles some change within the applicable laws.

From strict to stricter

At the peak of the COVID-19 pandemic, Poland's Constitutional Court made a big change to Poland's already strict abortion laws. triggered massive protestsThe court abolished the fitting to abortion because of birth defects, which were liable for greater than 90% of all abortions.

Since January 2021, abortion is barely permitted in cases of rape, incest or when the mother’s health is in danger. Under these laws, which also allowed the previous government to arrest People for activities related to abortionAbout half a dozen women with pregnancy complications have died after being denied an abortion.

In January 2024 the brand new government repealed the PiS laws from 2017, based on which women need a physician's prescription for over-the-counter medication Emergency contraceptionsometimes called the “morning after pill.” Polish President Andrzej Duda, an ally of the PiS, vetoed the law.

Church and culture

60 percent of the Polish population consider that abortion must be legal. Global Survey 2022 by Ipsos. However, lower than 25% are that abortion is legal without restrictions.

The anti-abortion activists are a vocal and well-organized group. On April 14, 2024, tens of hundreds of individuals joined a National March for Life through Warsaw. Organizer It is estimated that no less than 50,000 People took part, claiming it was the most important Polish anti-abortion rally within the twenty first century.

Anti-abortion activists are supported by the Catholic Church, which stays a robust institution in Poland despite declining church attendance. In 1992, weekly church attendance was was about 70%; by 2021 it had fallen to 43%Just one 12 months later, one other study found that only 30% of Polish Catholics repeatedly attend Sunday Mass.

At the identical time, almost 70% of Poles say that God plays a very important role of their livesEspecially in smaller towns and rural areas, social and family activities are inclined to revolve around church and non secular holidays.

The Catholic Church's close relationship with Polish national identity stems from the role it has played within the country's history. Throughout the nineteenth century, when the Polish lands were divided by their stronger neighbors, the Catholic faith was enabled the Poles to preserve their language and traditionsWhen Poland reappeared on the map after World War I, the church formed the premise of unity while leaders struggled to create political, economic and social institutions.

During the communist period from 1947 to 1989, the church was a logo of Polish independence within the face of Soviet attempts to implement atheist beliefs inside its sphere of influence. Political analysts like George Weigel claim that the Catholic Church and the Polish-born Pope John Paul II played a very important role within the emergence of anti-communist movements throughout the Eastern Bloc.

Fragmented support

This spectrum of opinions on abortion and faith, in addition to Poland's unique history, explain why political support for the varied proposals is so fragmented.

Two of the federal government's coalition parties, the Civic Coalition and the Left, support unrestricted abortion as much as the twelfth week. The Third Way, itself a coalition of centre-right parties, prefers to easily restore abortion. the fitting to abortion in cases of birth defects.

Third Way politicians claim that this “compromise” bill is supported by many groups and due to this fact more more likely to pass. The group has also called for a national referendum on whether to further loosen abortion restrictions. This proposal reflects the Third Way's predominant political goal: to position itself as an alternative choice to polarization and gridlock.

Regardless of which proposal parliament supports, Duda could veto the law. Conservative parliamentarians are also well positioned to delay reforms. Recently, the PiS leader identified He is now in favor of relaxing the quasi-abortion ban, but provided that the Polish structure is modified – a lengthy process that might probably not receive enough support.

Nearly all European countries have legalized abortionalthough some medical or regulatory procedures corresponding to short waiting periods or the permission of a parent or guardian could also be retained. If this trend is a signPoland will indeed liberalize its abortion laws – and given the country's national health system, the procedures will likely be paid for by the state. However, it’ll take time and the battles will proceed to be tough.