Ethnicity just isn’t allowed within the country’s politics, yet it influences the outcomes

Why did Ghana need a clause in its 1992 structure geared toward banning ethnicity from electoral politics?

Ethnicity has had a destructive impact on Ghana since colonial times. The British used ethnicity to indirect regulatory policyKwame Nkrumah, the country’s first post-colonial leader, inherited this struggled with the predominantly Asante National Liberation Movement about whether the newly independent Ghana must be a federal or a unitary state. A federal state would have prevented dominant chiefs and ethnic groups reminiscent of the Asantes. Nkrumah didn’t want that. The one-size-fits-all model won.

However, the event of the unitary state was hampered by vulnerabilities related to multiple social identities and socioeconomic decline. five coups Since 1966, all conflicts have been mediated by ethnic conflicts to various degrees. Ghana has nine major ethnic groups. The largest are the Akan, including the Asantes (47.5%), Mole-Dagbanli (16.6%) and Ewe (13.9%). Religious diversity also exists. Christians make up two thirds of the whole population. There are also Muslims (17.6%), those that describe themselves as non-religious (5.2%) and Traditionalists (5.2%).

Successive governments, each democratic and military, have taken steps to contain the ethnic crisis in public life. For example, Nkrumah dissolved ethnic and regional political parties through the Law to stop discrimination in 1956. The country’s military leader from 1972 to 1978, Ignatius Kutu Acheampongethnic symbols or expressions were banned from official documents. The current structure of 1992 followed this instance.

The de-ethnicization of party politics in 1992 was accompanied by the abolition of party politics and ethnicity on the local government level. This meant that officials to administer cities and native authorities were elected without regard to political party affiliation. recently analyzed this innovation and its significance for political stability.

How did this work out based in your research within the Ashanti and Volta regions?

My findings confirm that ethnicity has been largely curbed in Ghanaian politics.

In 14 of the country's 16 regions, the electoral margins are smaller or there are swing electorates. The exceptions are the regions of Ashanti and Volta, that are home to around 1 / 4 of the voting population. 76.4% and 71.7% of the inhabitants of the Ashanti and Volta regions are Asantes or Ewes. Since 1992, the Asantes have consistently fought for the New Patriotic PartyThe sheep have now National Democratic CongressThese two parties have won every election because the country returned to democracy.

I actually have examined several possible explanations for this ethnic voting behavior. These include the background of party candidates, the ownership structures of political parties, and the allocation of resources to strongholds. I actually have also examined tensions between one's group identity and national identity (citizenship). And I actually have examined prejudice among the many Asantes and Ewes.

None of those, on their very own, provides a sufficient explanation.

What conclusions do you draw out of your findings?

In Ghana, ethnicity still influences electoral outcomes, but that is to a limited extent and is to be expected in a multi-ethnic society. To silence ethnic voices in party politics, the 1992 Constitution introduced several alternative routes for multi-ethnic groups to precise themselves. These include the establishment of locally run local government bodies and the devolution of traditional land administration to chiefs and families.

These opportunities provide local (and ethnically homogeneous) communities with the chance to make decisions about their development. They may also take part in local politics without explicitly referring to party politics.

As a result, most Ghanaians don’t see national elections as a zero-sum game, although there are specific ethnic elements in party politics. Local government elections are also peaceful in comparison with national, party-controlled elections.

What significance do your findings have for the upcoming elections?

Ethnicity, together with other socio-economic aspects, will proceed to influence party politics in Ghana, including the upcoming Elections in DecemberHowever, it will not have any security consequences reminiscent of ethnically motivated clashes or impact on the country's democracy.

Support for the New Patriotic Party and the National Democratic Congress within the Asante and Volta regions is unlikely to vary, despite the departure of a distinguished Asante politician. Alan Kyerematenfrom the ruling New Patriotic Party to form a brand new political party after losing to the Vice President, Mahamadu Bawumiawithin the primaries. It is telling that the 2 major parties are led by candidates with a Mole Dagbanli background.

The ethnicity of politicians didn’t play a significant role within the election final result in Ghana, and that is unlikely to vary.

Outside the Ashanti and Volta regions, support for the 2 principal political parties has been strongly influenced in recent a long time by aspects reminiscent of the socio-economic conditions of the urban population and the electoral guarantees of the parties. The recent economic policies of the ruling government, reminiscent of its Debt exchange program and that Banking crisis which mainly affected the urban middle class, are more likely to have a greater influence on the voting decisions of the urban population.

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